Abstract. Across a sample of twenty-seven European nations, we examine variation in the level of factual political knowledge in relation to self-reported exposure to news programs aired by public or commercial channels, and to broadsheet or tabloid newspapers. Unlike previous studies, we estimate the effects of exposure to these news outlets while controlling for self-selection into the audience. Our results show that the positive effects of exposure to broadsheets and public broadcasting on knowledge remain robust.

Abstract. Firms acquire external technological knowledge via different channels. In this paper, we compare the technology sourcing of foreign subsidiaries and domestic firms looking at domestic R&D outsourcing, international R&D outsourcing, domestic cooperation for innovation and international cooperation for innovation. We use data from the Spanish Technological Innovation Panel for the years 2005–2009 for 10,206 innovative firms operating in Spain. We apply a multivariate probit specification which allows for systematic correlations among the different choices.

Abstract. This article analyses the gender differences in political knowledge in a rarely studied area: Europe. The results are obtained via two-level hierarchical linear models using the 2009 European Election Studies, Voter Study (EES) and show that men provide more correct answers and less “Don’t Know” (DK) answers than women, whereas gender differences in providing incorrect answers are not relevant.

Abstract. This article tests the role of deliberation in potentially reducing the gender gap in knowledge. It compares gender differences in knowledge of both participants and non-participants before and after the Europolis deliberative event took place by making use of the difference in difference estimation method.

Abstract. This article considers how partisanship conditions attitudes toward corruption. Stirred by the puzzle of why corruption does not seem to have the electoral consequences we would expect, it explores whether party supporters are more tolerant toward corruption cases when they affect their own party. The partisan-bias hypothesis is confirmed by a survey experiment carried out in Spain, a country where a number of corruption scandals have been recently visible.